Posted: 30 March 2005 at 4:03am | IP Logged

In the 13th century, Kublai Khan, grandson of Genghis Khan and the Mongol Emperor (Yuan Shi-zu) who founded the Yuan Dynasty of China, envisioned to succumb Japan and incorporate it as a tributary state of the Mongol empire. In 1274 and 1281 armies were despatched from the Korean peninsula and China in attempts to land on Japan in today's Fukuoka city area in north Kyushu.

It was so recorded that a thunderstorm harassed north Kyushu island in 1274 when the Mongol (Yuan) army was fighting, and again in 1281 a typhoon hit north Kyushu island while the Yuan soldiers were on board their ships preparing for a major landing operation. In both instances the Yuan armies suffered severe casualties from these natural calamities and the invasions were aborted. These "divine" winds have come to be known as Kamikaze which, especially during the war periods of pre-1945 Japan, has been fostering a belief in Japan in the sacredness of the Japanese nation.

After the first invasion of 1274, the Japanese samurai built a stone barrier of 20 km long bordering the coast of Hakata Bay of today's Fukuoka city. This stone barrier, on which the Japanese soldiers forcefully fought in resistance, effectively prevented the landing of the Yuan (Mongol) army on the shore of Hakata (now in Fukuoka city) during the second invasion of 1281.

The Yuan armies were made up of Mongol, Korean and Chinese soldiers.

*       *       *

Incidentally, when Marco Polo arrived at the capital (today's Beijing) of China in 1275, he was received by Kublai Khan in his court. For seventeen years Polo remained on the Khan's service in China, until in 1292 when he left for Europe, returning to Venice in 1295.

Exhibits in the Genko Historical Museum (Yuan Invaders Historical Museum) Fukuoka City
Armour of the Yuan army, weighing 12.5 kg with stand. The entire lining is of small iron plates. Photo by L Chor	Helmet of the Yuan army, weighing 2 kg. Photo by L Chor

The stone barrier (200-metre section at Imazu) Fukuoka City	A scene from "Mongol Invasions Painting Scrolls" (Moko shurai ekotoba)
Height about 2-3 metres; width at base about 3 metres. Built in 1276-1277; excavated in the 1930s. Photo by L Chor, 30 December 1998	Japanese samurai defending on the stone barrier. From the narrative picture scroll Moko shurai ekotoba painted between 1275 and 1293.

Posted: 30 March 2005 at 4:56am | IP Logged

Excavations off Japan's coast are uncovering Kublai Khan's ill-fated invasion fleet.

Illustration, based on contemporary depictions in scrolls and discoveries from excavation of the Takashima shipwreck, depicts a warship from the Mongol invasion fleet. (KOSUWA) [LARGER IMAGE]

Stepping off the dock into the warm, murky waters of Imari Bay, I swam to the bottom, then followed a line staked out down a steep slope. The visibility was poor, particularly as excavations had stirred up soft mud, but suddenly I saw the wreck. Unlike other sites I've dived on, the seabed here was not dominated by a large hull. Instead, clusters of timbers and artifacts suggested that a ship, or ships, had crashed into the shore and been ripped apart.

There were bright red leather armor fragments, a pottery bowl decorated with calligraphy, and wood with what seemed like fresh burn marks. My heart started to pound when I swam up to one object and realized it was an intact Mongol helmet. Nearby was a cluster of iron arrow tips and a round ceramic object, a tetsuhau, or bomb. Scholars had doubted whether such bombs, filled with black powder, existed this early, yet here it was. I just floated there, lost in thought that the detritus of this ancient battle lay here as fresh as if the ship had sunk yesterday, not seven centuries ago. The experience brought the story of Kublai Khan's invasions of Japan and the kamikaze--the legendary "divine wind" said to have destroyed his fleets in 1274 and 1281--into the realm of the tangible, touchable past.

[LARGER IMAGE]

Working in this small cove on the shore of Takashima, an island off Japan's Kyushu coast, underwater archaeologists led by Kenzo Hayashida of the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology (KOSUWA) have excavated the broken remains of a massive Chinese warship, lost during the khan's invasion of 1281. This past August, I was privileged to join the KOSUWA team as the first Western archaeologist to dive on the site. The fragments of the ship and the artifacts being recovered here--from weapons, provisions, and personal effects to the remains of the crew--are giving the world its first detailed view of a ship from a famous battle that ended when a storm smashed the khan's fleet.

Broken into fragments and scattered by the storm that wrecked it, the ship has already yielded thousands of artifacts, many remarkably well preserved by centuries of burial in silt. As amazing as the artifacts is the ship itself. The hull, made of iron-fastened planks with a large keel that has just started to emerge from the sea floor, had watertight compartments. Although the Japanese archaeologists caution that they have not yet completed excavation of the site, the warship appears to have been about 230 feet in length, twice as big as contemporary European ones. The huge anchor, indicative of the vessel's size, is a massive wood-and-stone assembly weighing more than a ton. Its red oak stock, now broken, was 23 feet long. Analysis of the wood and the granite used in the anchor shows that they originated in China's Fujian Province, site of a major trading port and a marshaling point for the fleet that attacked Japan in 1281. As subjects of the Mongols, China's Sung Dynasty provided most of the fleet--4,400 ships according to Chinese records--and many of the troops for the invasion.

Artifacts recovered from the shipwreck site include ceramics, the vessel's anchor, and bundles of arrows. (KOSUWA) [LARGER IMAGE] [LARGER IMAGE]

In the 1920s, Japanese archaeologists began excavating remains of a 12.4-mile-long defensive wall built in and around the ancient port of Hakata (modern Fukuoka) in anticipation of the 1281 invasion. These investigations were part of a nationalistic drive to find and restore portions of the wall in order to reinforce the story of Japan's miraculous rescue, thanks to the emperor and his divine ancestors who sent the kamikaze. The story of the invasion and the kamikaze grew in importance to the Japanese government's reinterpretation of its past as the nation prepared for war.

After the end of World War II, archaeological work around Fukuoka occasionally yielded stone anchor stocks thought to be from the Mongol fleets, although Hakata's long history as a port might have accounted for such finds. The possibility of discovering more concrete evidence of the invasions led Torao Mozai, a Tokyo University engineering professor, to Takashima in 1980 to see what might lie on the seabed there. On Mozai's first trip, local fishermen who had trawled the bottom of Imari Bay for generations showed him ceramic pots and other finds brought up in their nets that hinted at a number of shipwrecks. One find piqued Mozai's interest. Discarded in a fisherman's toolbox was a square bronze artifact. Engraved in Chinese and in Phagspa, a written form of Mongolian, it was the personal seal of a Mongol commander. The seal was clear evidence that the fishermen were pulling up relics from Kublai Khan's lost fleets.

Engravings on this seal identify it as belonging to a Mongol commander, proof that fishermen at Takashima Island had found artifacts from Kublai Khan's ships. (KOSUWA) [LARGER IMAGE]

Mozai, known as the "father of underwater archaeology" in Japan, used sonar to survey the sea floor. Divers checking promising sonar contacts in 1981 recovered iron swords, stone catapult balls, spearheads, stone hand mills for grinding rice (although some may have been used to prepare gunpowder), and stone anchor stocks. Mozai's finds paved the way for a new generation of Japanese archaeologists to work in the waters off Takashima, among them Kenzo Hayashida.

Since 1991, Hayashida and KOSUWA, which he founded, have conducted annual field seasons at Takashima, surveying the bottom of Imari Bay and performing limited excavations to gauge the number of potential wreck sites and the range of material culture remaining on the seabed after centuries of typhoons and generations of fishermen using dragnets and trawls. In 1994, KOSUWA discovered three wood-and-stone anchors at Kozaki Harbor, a small cove on Takashima's southern coast. The largest anchor was still set, its rope cable stretched toward shore. Buried in mud about 500 feet from the shore and in 70 feet of water, the anchor was a tantalizing clue that a wreck lay nearby. But no massive target appeared in the probes of the surrounding area, just a number of smaller anomalies. Suspecting that this might be a wreck that had broken up, either in 1281 or through the action of typhoons, Hayashida began excavation. In the 1994-1995 season, KOSUWA recovered 135 artifacts near the shoreline, then slowly traced the finds back into deeper water through the 2001 season.

The ship's main anchor, made of stone and wood, weighed more tan one. (KOSUWA) [LARGER IMAGE]

That October, the years of fieldwork paid off with the discovery of the ship's remains. After 20 years of investigation, the waters of Imari Bay finally yielded, albeit in more than one piece, one of the khan's ships. But government-financed construction of a new fish-farming installation directly atop the wreck site was slated to begin shortly. While that project provided funds to KOSUWA's investigations, the 2,600-square-foot site had to be completely excavated by the end of 2002. Work this past year--aided by a large team of divers, underwater communication systems, and an intensive program of excavation in cooperation with the Takashima Museum of Folk History and Culture and the Fukuoka City Museum--proceeded rapidly.

In a series of dives, I was able to watch as the site yielded an incredible array of well-preserved features and artifacts. The main portion of the wreck site lies in 45 feet of water and is buried beneath four feet of thick, viscous mud. Working with a documentation crew, I watched as they mapped each artifact, photographing and then recovering ceramics, tortoiseshell combs, scraps of red leather armor, hull planks, and part of a watertight bulkhead.

The artifacts range from personal effects, such as a small bowl on which was painted the name of its owner, a commander Weng, to provisions and the implements of war. The provisions include a large number of storage jars in various sizes, all of them hastily and crudely made. They hint at the rapid, if not rushed, pace of the khan's mobilization for the invasion. So, too, do the anchor stones. Chinese anchor stones of the period are usually large, well-carved, single stones that were set into the body of the stock to weight the anchor. Those found at Takashima are only roughly finished and made of two stones. More easily and quickly completed than their longer, more finished counterparts, they are not as strong as the single stone anchors. It may be that these hastily fabricated anchors contributed to the fleet's demise in the storm that dashed Kublai's hopes for the conquest of Japan.

The weapons recovered from the site include bundles of iron arrow tips or crossbow bolts, spearheads, and more than 80 swords and sabers. During one dive, I saw a Mongol helmet upright on the bottom, fish swimming in and out of its projecting brow. Close to the helmet was perhaps the most amazing discovery yet made--tetsuhau or ceramic projectile bomb. KOSUWA has recovered six of these from the wreck. They are the world's earliest known exploding projectiles and the earliest direct archaeological evidence of seagoing ordnance.

Chinese alchemists invented gunpowder around A.D. 300, and by 1100 huge paper bombs much like giant firecrackers were being used in battle. Chinese sources refer to catapult-launched exploding projectiles in 1221, but some historians have argued that the references date to later rewritings of the sources. In his recent book In Little Need of Divine Intervention, which analyzes two Japanese scrolls that depict the Mongol invasion, Bowdoin College historian Thomas Conlan suggests that a scene showing a samurai falling from his horse as a bomb explodes over him was a later addition. Conlan's research masterfully refutes many of the traditional myths and commonly held perceptions of the invasion, downplaying the number of ships and troops involved and arguing that it was not the storms but the Japanese defenders ashore, as well as confusion and a lack of coordination, that thwarted the khan's two invasions. But his suggestion that the exploding bomb is an anachronism has now been demolished by solid archaeological evidence. Moreover, when the Japanese x-rayed two intact bombs, they found that one was filled just with gunpowder while the other was packed with gunpowder and more than a dozen square pieces of iron shrapnel intended to cut down the enemy.

Ceramic bombs found on the 1281 shipwreck, left, prove the existence of these early explosive shells. Some historians had speculated that their depiction on scrolls recording the invasions was a later addition. (KOSUWA) [LARGER IMAGE]

The site has yielded fragmentary human remains. A cranium, resting where a body had perhaps been pushed face down into the seabed, and a pelvis, possibly from the same individual, now rest in the conservation lab awaiting analysis. This state-of-the-art lab, at the Takashima Museum of Folk History and Culture, is filled with containers of freshwater in which artifacts rest. Initial study of the artifacts has revealed new information about the khan's forces. Only one percent of the finds can be attributed to a Mongolian origin; the rest are Chinese. The Mongol invasion was Mongol only in name and in the allegiance of the invading sailors and troops.

The future of the finds is uncertain. While the excavation has been fully funded by the Japanese government, it has only committed funding for conservation of ten percent of the collection. For now, the rest will remain in freshwater tanks. The existing museum is too small to house all of the artifacts, and Japan remains firmly gripped by economic recession. Given widespread interest, and the significance of the discovery, perhaps the time has come for an international funding effort to assist the expensive but archaeologically and culturally rewarding work being accomplished there.

Takashima Island's local government is interested in further exploration of the lost fleet of Kublai Khan, and Kenzo Hayashida and his colleagues continue to work off the island's shores. Hayashida believes, like Thomas Conlan and other historians, that the khan's fleet size was exaggerated, and that hundreds, not thousands, of wrecks lie buried here. Even so, the remains now emerging from the mud and water are one of the greatest underwater archaeological discoveries of our time, providing critical new information about Asian seafaring and military technology, as well as an invasion crushed by a legendary storm.

Facing the Khan's Wrath
Kublai Khan's ascendancy to leadership of the Mongols, fraught with internal dissension and civil war, coincided with his long and difficult conquest of China. More...

James P. Delgado, executive director of the Vancouver Maritime Museum, is author of Lost Warships: An Archaeological Tour of War at Sea (Checkmark, 2001).

Facing the Khan's Wrath
Kublai Khan's ascendancy to leadership of the Mongols, fraught with internal dissension and civil war, coincided with his long and difficult conquest of China. Needing to obtain additional resources and to demonstrate his power and legitimacy as the Mongol ruler, Kublai, grandson of Genghis Khan, opened a second front in Japan even as he fought the last remnants of China's Sung Dynasty for control of the mainland. The khan sent envoys, demanding the Japanese submit, but the bakufu, Japan's military rulers, rebuffed them. In 1274, with the assistance of his Korean vassal state of Koryo, the khan assembled a fleet that historical accounts suggest was as large as 900 ships to ferry 23,000 troops across the narrow, 110-mile straits of Tsushima, which separate the Korean peninsula from Kyushu. Sailing from Koryo in early October, the fleet overwhelmed Japanese defenders on the islands of Tsushima and Iki before landing at the ancient trading port of Hakata (modern Fukuoka). The Japanese were waiting for them with a force of about 6,000 samurai and gokenin, or armed retainers. Japanese sources suggest that the battle, while hard fought, was going badly for them. The samurai, who fought as individuals, were no match for the Mongols with their tactics of fighting en masse, and their use of poison-dipped arrows and catapult-launched exploding shells. After a week of battle, the Japanese had retreated ten miles inland to Daizafu, the fortified capital of Kyushu. The invaders looted and burned Hakata, but wary of Japanese reinforcements and perhaps the weather on a coast notorious for typhoons, the fleet commanders prepared to withdraw. On October 20, the wind shifted and blew hard. The fleet, with some ships dragging anchor and drifting to shore, departed. Most historical accounts claim as many as 300 ships and 13,500 men were lost in the "storm" that ended the first invasion, but others suggest that the majority of ships simply escaped with the changing wind, with only a handful wrecking on the beach.

Kublai Khan sent more envoys to demand subservience from the Japanese, but the bakufu, emboldened by the retreat from Hakata, continued their defiance, executing the khan's ambassadors. The bakufu also strengthened their defenses, relocating loyal samurai to estates near Hakata and, in 1276, ordering them to build a 12.4-mile-long stone wall along the coast; it was completed in six months' time. The samurai at Hakata organized local fishermen and traders into a coastal naval force of small craft and trained the local inhabitants as a defense force.

The khan and his vassals had not been idle. Chinese histories report that Kublai ordered Koryo to build 900 ships and assemble 10,000 troops for a new invasion. In China, drawing from the newly defeated Sung navy and new ships built expressly for the invasion, Kublai reportedly gathered a force of 3,500 ships and 100,000 troops. Sailing separately in May 1281, the two fleets were supposed to rendezvous at Iki Island in the straits of Tsushima.

But the Korean force, after recapturing Iki from the Japanese, sailed on for Hakata without waiting for the larger Chinese force. The Japanese, alerted by spies, were waiting for them. Thwarted by the stone wall fortifying the beach, the invaders fell back to Shikanoshima Island in the middle of Hakata Bay. Japanese defense craft raided the fleet as it lay at anchor, samurai warriors springing onto the decks of the enemy ships to fight it out with their crews. Other craft were set on fire and sent drifting into the mass of enemy warships. Finally, the Koryo fleet retreated to Iki Island, its role in the invasion over.

The Chinese contingent, after a delay, finally sailed in June and arrived at the small island of Takashima in Imari Bay, 31 miles south of Hakata. Weeks of battle on the small island's shores and hilly countryside were at best a stalemate for the defenders when a sudden storm mauled the fleet on the evening of July 30. According to Japanese records, most of the invading ships were driven ashore and sank, killing nearly all of the 100,000 invaders. At the entrance to Imari Bay, says one Japanese account, "a person could walk across from one point of land to another on a mass of wreckage."

Kublai Khan never again sent a force against Japan. He abruptly canceled plans for a third invasion in 1286. The Japanese embarked on a series of punitive raids against Korea and China, many of them more piratical than naval. If there was a policy, it was found in Japan's ultimate retreat into the solitude and security of their home islands, which they now believed were protected by the gods, who twice had sent winds and storms to thwart an enemy's ambitions. The myth of that protecting force, the kamikaze, would not die until seven centuries later, in the last desperate months of World War II.

http://www.archaeology.org/0301/etc/kamikaze.html

James P. Delgado, executive director of the Vancouver Maritime Museum, is author of Lost Warships: An Archaeological Tour of War at Sea (Checkmark, 2001). http://www.vancouvermaritimemuseum.com/about_delgado.htm

© 2003 by the Archaeological Institute of America

http://www.archaeological.org/

By James Delgado on Shipwreck Central/Sea Hunter

http://www.shipwreckcentral.com/swc_kubl_1.php

KUBLAI KHAN’S LOST FLEET

James P. Delgado

“Fishermen are usually the first to discover shipwrecks sought by archaeologists. For years, Japanese trawlers operating in the waters off Imari Bay dredged up pottery and other artefacts from the lost Mongol fleet of 1281. In 1980, Torao Mozai, then Professor of Engineering at Tokyo University, used a sonoprobe – a device that geologists use to discover rocks buried in ocean sediment through sound waves – to survey the seabed off Takashima Island. Dr. Mozai followed his first survey with another with a modified sonoprobe, this time with greater sensitivity and a screen that read the results in full colour. Mozai discovered that buried artefacts appeared as different colours on his screen.”

“In 1981, using the new instrument, Professor Mozai’s team pinpointed a number of contacts that divers then recovered. The artefacts recovered from the seabed attest to the diversity of the invading force and its weapons, as well as its need for provisions. In addition to spearheads (from 5 to 30 centimetres long), war helmets, stone balls for catapults, and a cavalry officer’s sword discovered sticking upright out of the mud – exactly where it had been dropped seven hundred years earlier – Mozai’s divers recovered stone hand-mills for grinding gunpowder, iron ingots, stone anchor stocks from the ships, and mortars for pounding rice or corn. The discoveries made international headlines in 1981 (and a National Geographic magazine article) on the seven hundredth anniversary of the second Mongol invasion, and sparked the creation of a new Mongol museum on Takashima Island. The project and the museum’s opening inspired a number of fishermen to donate their own discoveries, including a bronze statue of Buddha, dated to the 12th century, and an amazing find – a bronze seal of authority that belonged to a Mongol commander of a 1,000-man group. Mozai ended his work in 1982, leaving the waters of Imari Bay to a new generation of archaeologists.”

“Since 1991, the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology (KOSUWA), under the leadership of Dr. Kenzo Hayashida, has been conducting surveys and excavations off Takashima’s shores.”

“In October 2001, KOSUWA’s hard work paid off with the discovery of the remains of a ship from Kublai Khan’s fleet. The wreck lay in Kozaki Harbour, a small indentation on Takashima’s southern coast and along the shores of Imari Bay. In all the years of work at Takashima, never before had the remains of one of the ships been encountered by archaeologists. In fact, only two other Asian shipwrecks of this age have been found, one at Shinan in Korea and the other at Guangzhou, China. Finding another ship of the period, from a time when Chinese ships were the best examples of shipbuilding in the world, made the discovery at Takashima one of the most significant discoveries in the world of nautical archaeology. What the excavation of the site has revealed in 2002, however, makes it one of the greatest underwater archaeological discoveries of the century. The finds associated with the ship, many of them well preserved through centuries of burial in the mud, are rich and varied.”
.
“The seabed is covered with thick, viscous, almost gelatinous ooze that the archaeologists have to dig through to get to the layer where the wreck lies. The task of moving all that mud is immense. The area of the site covers 792 square meters of the bottom. The archaeologists are using the handheld underwater suction dredge to vacuum up the mud. They carefully sweep it over the bottom, lying alongside the thick corrugated hose and gently fanning the mud into the dredge with their hands.”

“A grid of metal legs and twine covers the entire site, dividing it into ten-meter square units. I swim up to one unit and see scattered, broken pots and dishes, timbers, and a round object. It is only 14 centimeters in diameter, and yet it is one of the most significant discoveries made to date in the wreck. It is a tetsuhau or an exploding shell. Chinese alchemists invented gunpowder around 300 AD, and by 1100, huge paper bombs, much like giant firecrackers, were used in battle. The first reference to exploding projectiles, thrown by catapults, appears around 1221, when Chinese sources describe hollow shells packed with gunpowder. Some historians have doubted that these shells existed this early, and even recently suggested, in a new book on the Mongol invasion, that the scene in Suenaga’s scroll in which the wounded samurai falls from his horse as a bomb exploded above him, was painted much after the fact because the bombs did not exist then.”

“The discovery of not one, but six of these tetsuhau at Takashima has shown that the old samurai was correct. While four of the tetsuhau are broken, two were intact. X-ray analysis of the two bombs shows one was filled just with gunpowder, while the other was packed with gunpowder and more than dozen one-centimeter thick pieces of iron – shrapnel – to cut down an enemy. They are the world’s oldest exploding projectiles. They date to a century before Europeans first used guns at sea, and centuries before solid stone and iron cannonballs were replaced with shells that exploded on a target. Just a week before our arrival, the discovery of these tetsuhau made national news in Japan. Almost no one in the West has heard about the discovery, and I am hovering over this unique, technologically advanced and deadly weapon from 721 years ago.”

“Another find, resting upright on the seabed, is a Mongol war helmet. Close by, the excavation has yielded small fragments of red leather. The leather is from a suit of lamellar Mongol armour, originally made of laminated strips of leather bound with brass. It is incredible to consider how the mud has preserved these fragile traces by burying them out of the reach of the current. With the armour, as we watch, the dredge gently uncovers a small tortoise shell comb, a fragment of red leather still clinging to one side. I think about another discovery, nearby -- the broken remains of a drowned member of the ship’s complement, perhaps a Mongol warrior. The close proximity of the bones, helmet, armor and arrows again raise the question of whether they all; belong to this victim of the wreck. In the laboratory, just before the dive, I had lifted out the broken skull, found lying face down in the mud, from its box and wondered what stories this victim of a 721-year old shipwreck could tell.”

“Over the next week, we make more dives and watch as more artefacts slowly emerge from the mud. Broken timbers from the ship, including the sockets where a mast would have fit into the bottom of the hull, shattered planks, ceramic bowls and pots once filled with provisions, weapons and armour, and personal possessions, like a small, delicately cast bronze mirror, assert a reality behind the myth and the big sweep of history. The personal items, like the bones, point to more than a lost battle or a lost ship. They remind me of the forgotten people who came here, on the orders of Kublai Khan, to expand an Empire and an Emperor’s prestige, and instead found only death off the shores of a small Japanese island. Their sad story became the stuff of legend, and inspired a myth that died hard with many more wasted lives, as scores of young men deliberately crashed their bomb-laden planes into warships closing in on Japan at the end of the Second World War. As I gaze one last time at the skull in the laboratory, I think of all the victims of 1281. I think of the millions who died in the 1930s and 40s, victims of what was, if not a false legend, then a distorted and exaggerated myth that was used to 700 years later to justify militaristic expansion of a “divine empire” and a brutal war.”

Copyright 2004 © James P. Delgado

Posted: 24 July 2005 at 7:30pm | IP Logged

http://www.h3.dion.ne.jp/~uwarchae/takasimasite.htm

Archeology Study of the Battle Site

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平成4年度（1992）7੍ 6;20日…9月5日
　　床浪地区港&# 28286;事業（防波堤ॿ 4;設）にともなう&# 32202;急発掘調査（2400&# 13217;）
　　『鷹島海底&# 36986;跡Ⅱ』（鷹島町 ;文化財調査報告 6360;）第1集（1993）
　　　※水深25mの 位置から縄文時 195;早期の遺跡を発 掘調査した。

平成6年度（1994）10ć 76;11日～12月12日
平成7年度（1995）7੍ 6;17日～9月7日
　　神崎港改修&# 24037;事（防波堤建ෑ 3;）にともなう緊&# 24613;発掘調査（2400㎡&# 65289;
　　『鷹島海底&# 36986;跡Ⅲ』（鷹島町 ;文化財調査報告 6360;）第2集（1996）

『遺跡保存方法 398;検討－水中遺跡－ 』文化庁　平成A 297;２年　より

平成３年度まで 398;調査 　　　　石原　 169;
1． 鷹島海底遺跡の 010;要
九州の西北端、&# 22769;岐水道に面しӖ 3;伊万里湾口に浮&# 12363;ぶ鷹島は、長ॎ 2;県北松浦郡鷹島&# 30010;に属し、東はਰ 5;比水道を隔てて&# 20304;賀県東松浦郡ೝ 3;前町に、東南は&# 38263;崎県福島 町、 335;は松浦市に接し 、西方に平戸島 289;北に壱岐島を遠 望することがで 365;る。この鷹島は 、中世の日本を& 663;撼させた蒙古襲 来の歴史上の舞 488;として知られ、 文永 11年（1274）の 300;文永の役」では 、鷹島と周辺が 027;戦場となり、ま た弘安4年（1281）の ;「弘安の役」で
2399;、鷹島沖に集結 ;した第二次日本 4449;討軍の東 路軍{ 62;よび江南軍あわ& #12379;て約4,400隻の大艦 隊が、大暴風雨 395;より一夜にして 壊滅的打撃を被 387;た、元寇終焉の 地として世に名' 640;い。
こ の史実を裏付&# 12369;るように、島ࠦ 9;には元寇の激戦&# 12395;まつわる塚やߛ 6;輪塔・供養塔が&# 25968;多く存在し、࡜ 7;免には江戸時代&# 12395;海底から引きৼ 2;げられたという&# 20253;承をもつ銅 造 398;如来座像（高麗 仏）を祀る小堂 364;ある。また同海 域からは、壷や 855;石などが地元漁 師によって多数 341;き揚げられてお り、とくに印面 395;元のパスパ文字 で「管 軍総把印&# 12301;と刻まれ、側༣ 4;に「至元十四年&# 65288;1277）九月造」と&# 35069;作年代が刻まӚ 8;た銅印は、弘安&# 12398;役で壊滅したൂ 5;古軍の遺品とし&# 12390;世に広く知らӚ 8;ている。 これら の遺物は、現在 289;鷹島町立歴史民 俗資料館に保存 373;れ、一般に公開 されている。
　こうした元寇&# 38306;係の遺物を包൒ 1;する海底遺跡は&# 12289;昭和56年7月20日に& #25552;出された遺跡į 30;見届により、鷹& #23798;南岸の東端「ƒ 84;ノ鼻」から西端& #12300;雷岬」までの7.5km 、打線より沖合200m の範囲について 289;周知の埋蔵文化 財包蔵地として 331;録され、現在に 至っている。

2． 鷹島海底遺跡の 771;古学的調査
　鷹島海底遺跡&# 12395;関するこれまӗ 1;の考古学的調査&# 12399;、昭和55年からA 299;ケ年にわたって 行われた文部省 185;学研究費特定研 究「古文化財に& 306;する保存科学と 人文・自然科学 301;のうちの「水中 考古学に関する 522;礎的研究」を嚆 矢とする。
　 また昭和58年に は、同島床浪地 306;で港湾事業が計 画されたため、 381;の事前調査とし て海底遺跡の発 496;調査が実施され た。同海域では 289;昭和63年にも同ష 8;の港 湾事業が計 画されたため、 179;成元年に記録保 存のための本格# 519;査が実施されて いる。また平成 803;年度から3年度に ;かけて、本事業
2392;並行して、文部 ;省科学研究補 助& #37329;総合研究Aによ 427;「鷹島海底にお ける元寇関係遺$ 321;の調査・研究・ 保存方法に関す 427;基礎的研究」が 3ケ年継続して行
2431;れた。
　これらの調査&# 12398;うち、昭和55年 363;ら３ケ年継続で 行われた文部省 185;学研究費による 「水中遺構・遺 289;の探査並びに保 存に関する研究 301;が最も大規模な 学際的 調査であ&# 12426;、初めて本海ॵ 3;遺跡に学術的な&# 35519;査のメスが加Ӕ 0;られ記念碑的な&# 35519;査であった。ӕ 1;こでは、その成&# 26524;を少し詳しくಅ 7;介することにし&# 12424;う。

3． 昭和55～57年の文部 省科学研究費に 424;る調査
（1）調査の経緯
　昭和55年度から ３ケ年計画で実 045;されたこの研究 は、文部省科学 740;究費特定研究「 古文化財に関す 427;保存科学と人文 ・自然科学」の 358;ち、水中文化財 の科学 的研究と&# 20445;存を目的とすӚ 7;もので、水中遺&# 36321;に関する初のੑ 2;格的な調査であ&# 12387;た。水底下にӔ 2;ける古文化財の&# 30330;見と考古学的ෟ 9;査法の開発研究&# 12434;目的としたた  417;、研究スタッフ も、歴史学・考 476;学・郷土史など の人文科学系の 740;究者のほか、船 舶工学・水中音& 911;工学・潜水技術 等の工学系研究 773;を交えた学際的 なものと なった&# 12290;調査体制は、ങ 8;在京男（東海大&# 23398;教授）を調査ࢰ 3;長に、研究分担&# 32773;10名、研究協力 773;14名、潜水協力್ 3;6名、それに多数& #12398;現地協力者か| 25;なり、元 寇とい ;う歴史的事件を 7700;中考古学の立場 ;から解明し、あ
2431;せて水中考古学 ;の調査研究方法
2434;確立することを ;主眼に、長崎県 1271;松浦郡鷹島町周 ;辺海域を調査対 5937;地 に選んで実Ą 45;された。

（2） 昭和55・56年度の調 査
　調査初年度の&# 26157;和55年度は、同 798;周辺海域におい て、音響測深機 398;ソノストレータ ーおよびサイド 473;キャンソナーを 使用して海底下 398;状況を調査した 。その結果、異 120;反響が72地点でӓ 4;り、海底下の地&# 23652;中に遺物が埋૜ 9;している可能性&# 12364;認められた。
　昭和56年度の調 査は、7月6日から20 日までの15日間の&# 26085;程で、元軍の็ 7;船が沈没したと&# 12373;れる同島の南඿ 9;部沿岸を中心に&# 12289;潜水班およびણ 1;械班の2班 に分れ ;て実施された。 8508;水班には東海大 ;学潜水技術セン
2479;ーから技術員の ;参加があり、潜 7700;による遺物の確 ;認と写真撮影、
2362;よびその引き揚 ;げ作業を担当し
2383;。 機械班は、É 70;回の調査のため& #12395;光電製作所がž 83;発したカラーソ& #12490;ー（海底下のĥ 66;況をカラーディ& #12473;プレーする）| 34;駆使し、反応の& #12354;ったポイント{ 95;ブイを投下し て ;、位置確認の作 6989;を分担した。
　また海底下の&# 30330;掘方法を研究ӕ 7;るため、エアー&# 12522;フト（空気吸ӓ 6;上げ機）の試作&# 12434;行い、海底のఀ 2;泥地帯において&# 23455;験的な発掘作ઊ 9;を行った。この&# 12456;アーリフ トは 289;鉄パイプの先に コンプレッサー 363;ら圧縮空気を送 り込み、海底で 873;がパイプの開口 部に向かって上 119;する際に起きる 吸引力を利用し 383;もので、直径 9cm
2289;長さ110cmの亜鉛引&# 12365;鉄管を筒先とӕ 5;、長さ30mのホース ;を接続したもの
2391;ある。
　潜水班は2人を1 組とし、合計6人
2391;同島南西沿岸の ;床浪から俵石鼻
2434;中心に調査を実 ;施した。沿岸か
2425;沖合に約50m内外A 288;平均水深10m）のė 73;瀬および 岩礁部 ;を調査して、遺 9289;の確認と写真撮 ;影を行い、浅瀬
2398;海底に露出する ;褐釉壷などをサ
2531;プルとして引き ;揚げた。同海域
2395;は遺物がとくに ;集中しており、 8023;底 では約2m間隔
2391;壷の破片が確認 ;できる状況であ
2387;た。引き揚げら ;れた遺物は、褐 7321;壷の破片143点（ 436;形品3点）のほか ;、投石弾や片口
2394;どの石製品4点ӌ 9; 鉾先やインゴッ トなどの鉄製品8 8857;、磚9点、青磁ఏ 1;・小鉢3点など、& #32207;計171点を数える&# 12290;
　また潜水班は&# 12289;エアーリフトӗ 8;実験を行うため&# 12289;7月17日と18日の両& #26085;、同島神崎港ĕ 98;合120mのST2（水深20m） ;と同沖合220mのSTll （& #27700;深25m）のポイン&# 12488;で作業を実施ӕ 5;た。これらは以&# 21069;、ソノストレӦ 0;ターで海底下1.5mӗ 5;明瞭な反応のあ&# 12387;た地点であるӍ 0;同調査を指揮し&# 12383;工藤盛得 （東 023;大学教授）によ れば、海底は極 417;て軟弱な泥層で あり、海底での$ 879;視度も2m程度とপ 6;く、エアーリフ&# 12488;による浚泥は25 998;間で直径約1m、૾ 5;さ 30cm程度しか進 431;せず、作業は困 難を極めたとい 358;。両日で合計12ࢯ 8;の試掘を実施し&# 12383;結果、ST2で1.2m、STll
2391;1．8mまで掘り下 370;ること に成功ӕ 5;、STllでは海底下1ʌ 94;6mで貝殻混じりの ;固い地層に到達
2289;1.8mで約30cmの厚さの ;固い地盤を確認
2375;、その下は再び ;軟弱な地層とな
2427;こと を確認し{ 90;いる。

（3）昭和57年度の調査
　57年度の調査は 、前年度の継続# 519;査として実施さ れ、探査機器の 913;良実験と並行し て、水中に散布 377;る遺物の確認と 、位置の測定な 425;びに引き揚げが 行われ た。とく&# 12395;鷹島町神崎免૲ 3;岸部においては&# 12289;海岸線にセオӠ 9;ライトを設置し&# 12289;海岸部から沖ࡧ 2;100mの範囲にローӢ 3;を張り、各ロー&# 12503;は20m、10m、 5m、1mと&# 12289;それぞれ間隔ӛ 4;狭め、測定密度&# 12395;ついても検討ӛ 4;加えた。
　神崎沖で引き&# 25562;げられた遺物ӗ 9;、褐釉壷の破片&# 12394;ど173点である。 5088;釉壷はいずれも ;破片で、ほかに 0938;57点、碇石10点、 0707;弾2点、青磁碗ӥ 9;石製片口・石臼&# 21508;1点がある。

（4） 調査の成果と課& 988;
　調査の目的は&# 12289;水中考古学にӔ 2;ける調査法の研&# 31350;開発に主眼をӔ 2;き、海底下の遺&# 29289;の発掘と実測ӌ 9;記録作業を行う&# 20104;定であったがӌ 9;準備不足と人員&# 12398;関係か ら、当 021;の目的を十分に 果たすことがで 365;なかった。とく に海底に露出し 383;遺物の引き揚げ については、遺 289;の出土位置に関 する記録が不十 998;に終わったため 、 将来の調査に&# 35506;題を残す結果ӗ 2;なった。
　潜水調査は、&# 20803;軍が暴風雨に๱ 3;遇したと思われ&# 12427;鷹島の南側の૲ 3;域、すなわち俵&# 30707;鼻から床浪にӔ 3;けての沿岸海域&# 12434;重点的に調査ӕ 5;、水深10m内外の岩 ;礁お よび浅瀬に& #35088;釉壷の破片がă 55;乱する状況を確& #35469;しているが、ô 03;該区域はいずれ& #12418;海岸部分からí 21;礁性の岩場が海& #24213;面に張り出し{ 90;おり、その岩場& #12398;隙間に集積し
2383;遺物が調査員に ;発見され易かっ
2383;という事情があ ;ろう。また、昭 1644;55年度の探査でű 86;物の可能性のあ& #12427;反応が顕著で{ 54;った地区である& #12383;め、潜水調査{ 64;集中 的に実施さ ;れたことも、か
2363;る結果を生んだ ;原因のひとつと 2771;えられる。しか ;し、そうした状 7841;を配慮しても、 ;床浪地区が天然
2398;良港であること ;、また小河川な & #12364;ら床浪川の河Ö 75;部が存在する点& #12434;考慮すると、Ƈ 54;料水確保を目的& #12395;当該地区に元ŭ 57;の艦船が集中し& #12390;いて、荒天にƁ 55;して浅海部の岩& #30977;が仇となってz 89;悲劇的な 難破と ;沈没ひいては積 6617;物の散乱という ;事態をもたらし
2383;可能性が想定で ;きる。この点は
2289;当該地区で碇石 ;の発見が顕著で
2354;ったという事実 ;からも類推され
2427;と ころである{ 64;、こうした問題& #12398;解決のために{ 99;、今後、鷹島南& #23736;海底の徹底し{ 83;分布調査や確認& #35519;査の実施が必Š 01;であり、その結& #26524;をもとに判断{ 77;べきであろ う。 ;
　またこの調査&# 12391;、機械班が実ਬ 5;したカラーソナ&# 12540;とソノストレӝ 2;ターの実験は、&# 28023;底下の遺物発ශ 1;に有効であるこ&# 12392;がわかったがӌ 9;航行する船舶に&# 25645;載した計 器類 364;遺物確認のエコ ーをキャッチし 390;も、同海底にブ イを打ち込む際 395;、船舶のスピー ド等の関係から 289;確認地点がそれ て、だいぶ離れ 383;海底に着底する とい う問題があ&# 12426;、その誤差をӓ 6;かに縮めるかが&# 22823;きな課題となӖ 7;ている。またカ&# 12521;ーソナー自体ә 8;、船底から海底&# 12395;発射する音波ӗ 8;ビーム幅が広い&# 12383;め、精度の点  391;はかなり改良の 余地がありそう 391;ある。
　以上の反省点&# 12363;ら考えて、今঎ 0;の調査では、① 7700;中での測量およ ;び遺物の正確な 0301;置確認と記録、 ;②機械班と潜水 677;の共同作業にお ける連絡手段の 906;立整備、 ③新た ;に陸上に測量班
2434;編成して、陸上 ;から調査船ない
2375;は遺物の存在を ;示すブイの位置 0906;認作業を行うこ ;と、④保存処理 992;溶液ないしは処 理施設の充実、 394;ど の改善策を෩ 1;じる必要があろ&# 12358;。また潜水調੥ 9;を行うダイバー&# 12395;、考古学的な௽ 3;識や技術を熟知&# 12375;た者を参画さӕ 9;る必要性が痛感&# 12373;れる。
　以上、多くの&# 25512;測を混じえてӗ 8;総括となったが&# 12289;鷹島海底遺跡ӗ 8;発掘調査が、元&# 23495;という歴史的ߚ 7;件の実態解明の&# 12383;めに、より豊म 0;な歴史資料を提&# 20379;するのは 確実 391;あり、引き続き 、水中遺跡の調 619;方法の確立と、 本海底遺跡の計 011;的・組織的な調 査の実現に向け 390;、多くの課題を 克服する努力が 517;要となろう。

『遺跡保存方法 398;検討－水中遺跡－ 』文化庁　平成A 297;２年　より

平成３年度以降 398;調査 　　　　高野晋 496;
　鷹島海底遺跡においては、今回の調査研究の後もいくつかの調査が実施されている。まず、平成4年と平成6・7年には、港湾改修事業にともない鷹島町教育 委員会が緊急発掘調査を実施している。このうち平成4年の調査は床波港に関わる改修事業であり、平成6・7年の調査は、鷹島南岸でも東方の神崎港の改修事 業にともなうものである。また、鷹島町教育委員会では、緊急調査とは別に、 鷹島海底遺跡の 998;布調査を継続して実施している。ここでは、平成4年度以降のこ うした調査について概要を紹介する。

（1）平成4年度の調査
　床波港の防波&# 22564;工事にともなӓ 6;、海底に堆積し&# 12383;厚さ4mのシルト 652;を浚渫したのち 、平成4年7月20日～ 9月5日まで発掘調&# 26619;を行った。
　この調査にお&# 12356;ては、縄文時ߣ 5;早期の土器など&# 12364;海底下約5mのシ 523;ト層から集中的 に出土し、標高-25m の深さに縄文時 195;早期の遺跡が存 在することが判 &# 26126;した。押型文ࣤ 3;器を中心とする&# 22303;器類が283点、石 2120;片76点、獣魚骨Ɔ 06;120点、貝類などӔ 4;出土している。&# 32260;文土器は、山উ 8;文・楕円文・格&# 23376;目文など の押 411;文士器を中心と し、これに若干 398;無文士器や撚糸 文士器が加わる 364;、いずれも磨滅 していない。動 289;骨としては、イ ノシシ・シカ・ 452;ヌのほか、人為 的な 解体の痕跡&# 12434;残すイルカなӗ 3;が良好な保存状&# 24907;で検出されたӍ 0;なお、このシル&# 12488;層から採取しӖ 3;2種類の貝殻につ& #12356;てC14による年代&# 28204;定を行った結ੜ 4;、 8630±105B.P.，8410±105B.P.とい う数値が示され 390;いる。
　本遺跡が水没&# 12375;た原因としてӗ 9;、①地滑りなど 6012;面崩壊による遺 ;物包含層の滑落
2289;②地殻変動、③& #27703;河性海面変動{ 94;どが考えられる& #12364;、当該地海底{ 98;音波探査 の記録 ;などから、本遺 6321;周辺には活断層 ;や活褶曲などの 7963;構造はなく、む ;しろ地殻変動は 8745;的と考えられる ;ことから、専門 3478;は①や②が原因& #12392;は考えられな{ 56;と 報告している ;。したがって、 314;の理由、すなわ ち後氷期の氷河 398;融解による海面 上昇つまり縄文 023;進が原因と考え られる。
　年代と水深の&# 38306;係についてはӌ 9;床浪港の東北東1. 7kmに位置する浦下& #27798;の海底ボーリ} 31;グコアの解析の& #32080;果、－35mの砂層&# 20013;のマガキから10A 292;570 ±350B.P.という数値
2364;えられている。 ;これは、鷹島海 4213;遺跡の所在する ;伊万里湾におけ
2427;完新世の海面変 ;化曲線に一致し
2390;いる。
　以上の事実は&# 12289;考古学のみなӚ 5;ず、地形学や地&# 36074;学・第四紀学ӗ 4;どに完新世の海&# 38754;変化や古環境ӗ 5;関する貴重な資&# 26009;を提供するもӗ 8;として評価が高&# 12356;。

（2） 平成6・7年度の調&# 26619;
　鷹島神崎港の&# 38450;波堤工事にとә 8;ない、平成6年11月 ;3日～12月12日と平ৎ 4;7年7月17日～9月7日 395;かけて潜水によ る発掘調査が実 045;された。平成6年 ;度の調査におい
2390;、はじめて海底 ;に埋没した状態
2391;碇が発見された ;。
　 平成6年度の調& #26619;は、防波堤建š 73;工事が予定され& #12383;6,000㎡を対象とす るものであった 364;、当然ながら海 底下の遺物の包" 101;状況は不明であ ったため、まず 107; 前の地層探査ӛ 4;行った。地層探&# 26619;器を搭載した৶ 6;査船により、対&# 35937;海域を5m間隔で 294;横に探査した結 果、4箇所におい
2390;異常反応が認め ;られた。その地 8857;は、 陸上に設ņ 22;した2基の光波測 距機と地層探査 231;によって正確な 位置と深度が確# 469;された。それに よると、異常反 540;のあった地点は 水深約－22mで、海& #24213;面から 1～2m下部 の位置にあたる 371;とが判明した。
　次に、この異&# 24120;反応の内容をఒ 6;認するため、浚&# 28203;船に装備されӖ 3;大形グラブによ&# 12387;て、注意深く૲ 3;底表面のシルト&# 12434;1mほど除去する 371;ととした。慎重 に浚渫 を行った&# 32080;果、異常反応Ӕ 4;あった4箇所のう& #12385;近接する2箇所 395;おいて碇石と木 片が発見された 290;この段階で、グ ラブによる浚渫 363;ら、エアーリフ ト使用による 本&# 35519;査に切り替えӚ 7;こととした。
　本調査にあた&# 12387;ては、遺物が࠲ 6;土した地点を中&# 24515;として、海底ӗ 5;10m×10mを1単位とする&# 22320;区設定を行いӌ 9;順次エアーリフ&# 12488;による潜水調੥ 9;を開始し た。出 土した遺物につ 356;ては、調査員に よる実測・写真 539;ビデオ撮影など の記録作業のの 385;引き上げた。遺 物が出土した地 857;は、およそ水深 －20m～22mの 間であ 387;た。
　1 号～4号碇は、 先端の部材がほ 412;残存する良好な 遺存状況のもの 391;、列をなして検 出された。全て 516;一方向に打ち込 まれたものであ 426;、また層位から 見ても同一 時に&# 25237;錨されたものӗ 2;考えられる。い&# 12378;れもアカガシ඲ 9;である。このう&# 12385;3号碇がもっと| 18;大きく、現存長2 .6m、幅3.12mで、復元 340;に考えると堆定 8～9mの長さになる ;と思われる。先 1471;部の残りが良い ;のは、海底の砂 3652;に突き刺さって ;いたためで、基 7096;側は腐食や虫害 ;によって失われ
2390;いる。
　これらに装着&# 12373;れていたものӛ 4;含め、碇石は合&# 35336;17点出土してい 427;。花崗岩・石英 班岩・疑灰質砂 721;・石灰岩などの 石材があり、長 373;1.3m・0.7m・ 0.5mの3種の& #35215;格が見られるz 90;1号～4号碇によれ ;ば、木製碇の軸 7096;先端にⅤ字に歯 が取り付けられ 390;いるが、碇石は 歯と直行するよ 358;に2個が装着され ;る 形態であった& #12290;
　今回の調査以&# 21069;に、鷹島海底Ӕ 3;ら16個の碇石が発 見されていたが 289;それらの特徴と しては、①よくă 72;形された扁平な& #31665;形なものが多{ 56;、②完形品はな&# 12367;中央 部から折 428;た状況で片方の みの出土である 289;③大形のものは& #23569;なく長さ80cm程度& #12398;ものが多い、{ 92;いった点が一般& #30340;に認識されて{ 56;た。こうした特& #24500;のう ち、とく
2395;半載品が多いと ;いう認識は、博 2810;湾をはじめ西北 ;九州の沿岸地域
2394;どから発見され ;る碇石が、蒙古 0855;石とよばれる角 ;柱状の大形の碇 0707;であり、こうし ; た形状が本来の& #23039;であると考え{ 90;いたからであっ& #12383;。しかし、今Þ 38;の調査において& #12289;碇石が実際にĈ 08;製碇と装着され& #12383;状態で発見さ| 28;たことにより、& #12402;とつの碇 に1個&# 12398;碇石が装着さӚ 8;るという認識が&# 35492;りであり、鷹ो 8;海底出土の碇石&# 12398;場合は、2個のĴ 55;石が対となって& #24038;右に装着され| 27;ことが判明した& #12398;である。
　碇の材である&# 12450;カガシ亜属はӌ 9;中国南部、韓国&# 21335;部、九州～沖ಚ 0;あたりの亜熱帯&# 12363;暖帯に広く分० 7;するもので、産&# 22320;を推定するこӗ 2;は困難であるが&# 12289;花崗岩についӗ 0;は、化学分析とK& #65293;Ar法による放射 4180;代測定の結果、 ;中国南部産であ
2427;可能性が高いと ;されている。
　以上のように&# 12289;今回の碇の埋૜ 9;状態は、かつて&# 12371;の海域で大海༖ 7;事故が起こった&# 20107;実を示すものӗ 1;、弘安4年（1281）{ 98;元寇の事実を改& #12417;て想起させるį 30; 見となった。ま ;た、今回木製碇
2392;碇石が組み合わ ;さって出土した
2364;、同様な事例は ;これまで東アジ
2450;の中でも報告さ ;れておらず、そ
2398;構造が判明した ;ことは、当 時の& #33337;の碇の研究上č 97;めて重要なもの& #12392;して特筆され| 27;。
　なお、木製碇&# 12434;はじめとする੐ 8;製遺物の保存処&# 29702;については、ॱ 9;成8年・9年度に国 庫補助により建# 373;された鷹島町の 埋蔵文化財セン 479;ーで現在脱塩処 理中である。

（3） 鷹島海底遺跡の 998;布調査
　鷹島町では町の単独事業として、 鷹島海底遺跡の 998;布調査を平成4年度から実施している。鷹島海底遺跡として周知されている範囲は、鷹島南岸の汀線から沖 合200mの幅で、南岸の総延長7.5kmにわたる。その範囲のなかで、どの地域にどのような遺物が包蔵されているのかを把握するために潜水により実施し ているものである。実際の潜水作業については、九州・沖縄水中考古学協会に依嘱している。
　海底分布調査&# 12399;、毎年、対象ӗ 2;なる水域に100m×50mの&# 22823;地区をロープӛ 4;張って設定し、&# 12381;のなかについӗ 0;目視による潜水&# 35519;査を行うものӗ 1;、遺物が見つか&# 12387;た場合は、位ಾ 2;を記録し一部を&# 12469;ンプルとしてং 1;き揚げている。
　調査区の設定&# 12395;あたっては、ә 4;ず大縮尺の図上&# 12395;調査区域を設ऩ 0;し、その上で陸&# 19978;の定点（護岸ӗ 8;上）に設置した2& #21488;のトランシッ| 88;で計測しながら& #12289;大地区 の四隅
2398;部分を決定する ;。ただし、実際
2398;ロープ張り作業 ;は、陸上からの 5351;示によって小船 ;を移動させなが
2425;行うため、潮の ;止まった時間帯
2420;風向きを十分計 ;算 しながら行っ& #12390;いるが、多少{ 98;誤差が生じざる& #12434;えない。
　一方、こうし&# 12383;目視のみによӚ 7;潜水分布調査で&# 12399;、岩場に露呈ӕ 5;ている遺物は別&# 12392;して、基本的ӗ 5;砂やシルトの下&# 12395;埋没している๲ 6;物を発見するの&# 12399;困難であ る場 512;が多く、詳細調 査のためにはこ 428;に替わる方法が 必要である。た 384;し、海底遺跡の 場合、掘るとい 358;行為を行うには 、厚く堆積して 356;るシルトなどを 除去 するための&# 12456;アーリフトとࡲ 8;ばれる特殊な装&# 32622;が必要になるӗ 4;ど、小規模な確&# 35469;調査を実施すӚ 7;だけでも、かな&# 12426;大がかりになӚ 5;ざるをえない。&# 12414;た、地層探査  231;器による海底下 の探査は、現況 391;は機器の精度に 疑問があるとと 418;に、費用もかな り高くつくとい 358;難点がある。こ れらの諸問題を# 299;決するためには 、今後、 高度の&# 28508;水技術をもっӖ 3;調査員を確保す&# 12427;とともに、試৵ 6;程度の小規模な&# 35519;査を簡易に実ਬ 5;するための方法&# 12398;確立が不可欠ӗ 1;あると痛感して&# 12356;る。

『遺跡保存方法 398;検討－水中遺跡－ 』文化庁　平成A 297;２年　より

Posted: 24 July 2005 at 8:57pm | IP Logged

#45
    45. THE SHO-GUN'S ORDERS DISTRIBUTING REWARDS FOR
                                                       SERVICE, 1288
                       (Iriki-in and Takemitsu docs.; also KK, II and XI, and SK, VII.)
THE Mongol rulers of China extended their arms of conquest to Japan, invading her in great forces
in 1274 and 1281 and continuing occasional raids well on to the fourteenth century. Independent
existence would certainly have been lost to the nation but for the feudal warriors who gallantly
defended the coast of northern Kyu-shu. In this protracted war of national defense, men of all
feudal Japan participated, but its burden fell chiefly on the valiant go ke-nin of Kyu-shu. In 1274,
when the invaders crossed the sea in more than four hundred vessels, ravaged the islands of Iki and  
Tsushima, and attacked the coast of north Kyu-shu, the warriors of Satsuma, Osumi, and Hiuga,
fighting under Shimadzu Sukenaga, successfully aided in the repulsion of the enemy. From this time
on, Hakata was continuously defended, Shimadzu Hisatsune never leaving that garrison till the
second great invasion of 1281. The Mongol forces in that year came in a vast fleet of war vessels
which covered the face of the sea, but were so stoutly resisted by the defense that they failed to gain
a foothold on Kyu-shu. Many desultory encounters took place on the water, when, on 16(?)
August, a terrific storm arose, and shattered the enemy fleet; the Satsuma and other forces pursued
the fleeing foes in their battered ships, and cut them down.1 Hisatsune died at Hakata in 1284, but
his work was continued by his son Tadamune, and the rigor of defense was not relaxed for nearly
thirty years,2 or full thirty-five years from the first invasion.3
     The defensive work consisted in the construction of nearly sixty miles of stone ramparts stretch-
ing along the coast, and in maintaining local warriors by rotation at the garrison at Hakata. Men of
Satsuma shared in both works, as is testified by authentic documents: the building and repairing of
the ramparts were apportioned among the greater chieftains, and the guard service was done for
three or four months at a time, and in some years six months.
     That the Shibuya warriors took a prominent part in war and council in this critical period may
be judged from the single fact that, in 1299, Taki Shigesato was appointed as one of the twenty-four
great men in Kyu-shu whose duty it was to assist the sho-gun's deputy at Hakata in his administra-
tion of civil justice among local warriors.4 It has already been said more than once that Iriki-in
Arishige and his younger brothers Muneshige and Shigenao died of arrow wounds on sea in the
war of 1281.5 For these merits, Arishige's relatives received a comparatively large reward from the
suzerain (see A), a proof of his distinguished service. Arishige had served as proxy for his elder
brother Kimishige, the chief of Iriki.
     As reward for the services that the greater go ke-nin had rendered in saving Japan from a possible
foreign conquest, the feudal government at Kamakura granted them various shiki relative to terri-
tories in the northern third of the island. A list, dated early in 1287, of men so rewarded and of the
shiki they received, is found in the Hishizhima mon-zho, IV; in it again appears the name of Taki
P171
Shigesato as the recipient of the ji-to shiki at Imahara, Chikuzen. The following orders from Kama-
kura set forth in detail the lands and homesteads whose ji-to shiki were allotted in 1288 to the
family of the late Iriki-in Arishige and to Takemitsu (Tomo) Morokane. Similar orders of the same
date assigning to other warriors or their families shiki in the same general locality appear in the
Kokubun zhi mon-zho (quoted in SK, VII), the shiga mon-zho, I and VI, the Nezhime uji mon-
zho, and others.
     That Arishige's younger brother Muneshige, who also fell in battle in 1281, was granted ten cho
of land, or a shiki regarding it, at Lower Nagao, Chikuzen, may be gathered from No. 46 below.
     From the institutional point of view, the grants for service(kun-ko sho) which meritorious
warriors received should be carefully distinguished from the domains which they had inherited from
their fathers and for which they had received the sho-gun's writs of reinvestiture at their succession
to the estates. The latter were their "original domains"(hon-ryo); the former were "new favors"
(shin-on) or "lands by favor"(on-chi). The holders enjoyed less restricted rights of disposition over
the inherited lands than over the granted, and the sho-gun's government exercised correspondingly
greater interference over the second than over the first. Grants were both inheritable and subin-
feudable, but did not admit of mortgage and sale, which were conditionally allowed only for
"original" domains; and the same restrictions attached to the "favors" even after inheritance and
division.
     It will be noted that the following rewards are stated to have been assigned by lot(kuzhi). This
must mean that the sho-gun's council had carefully listed lands and homesteads in northern Kyu-shu
whose shiki were available for distribution; grouped them in sets of graded magnitudes; and then
assigned by lot to each recipient a set of the grade which the quality of his service merited.




[IMAGE]　　[JP-#49]



#45-A
                                                                   A
"Assignment of the ji-to shiki of Hii go, Sawara kori, Chikuzen kuni, the reward6 for
meritorious services rendered in the Mongol war, in Ko-an 4th year [1281].
"One man, [the late] Shibuya Hei-shiro Arishige ho-shi's surviving [relatives,
   namely,] grandsons Kame-wo and Kame-tsuru,7 and the adopted son Hie-zhi Kimi-
   shige ho-shi's8 widow:
"Ta and other lands, 10 cho:-
   "Yukitake myo:
       "One place, Yoko-makura,1 1/2 tan;
       "One place, Matsumoto, 9 tan;
       "One place, Sono, 90 bu;
       "One place, Tsukida, 3 tan;
       "One place, Shimo Kawarada, 2 2/3 tan;
       "One place, Kakida, 1 cho 1 tan;
       "One place, Sakamoto, 5 1/2 tan;
       "One place, To-sh*ta, 2 2/3 tan;
       "One place, Uchigoe, north, 1/2 tan;
       "One place, Uchigoe, 3 tan;
       "One place, Tsukinoe, 50 bu;
       "One place, Imagawa nyu-do's sono,9 60 bu.
   "In Wakakuni myo:-
       "One place, Uchigoe, 3 tan;
       "One place, the same, 300 bu;
       "One place, Furuya, 1/3 tan;
       "One place, Yakata-ga-ura, 4 tan;
       "One place, the same, 1 1/3 tan;
P172
       "One place, Nasoe, 1/2 tan;
       "One place, Kihana, 2 tan;
       "One place, Kakisoe, 1/2 tan;
       "One place, Kadota, 2 tan;
       "One place, Kawarada, 3 tan;
       "One place, Sakamoto, 6 tam;
       "One place, Furukawa, 1/3 tan;
       "One place, Futsuhara, 69 bu;
       "One place, Okumoto,10 1 1/3 tan;
       "One place, Tsuki-ga-sh*ta, 1 cho 3 tan;
       "One place, Naka Osada, 8 tan;
       "One place, Ishizaki, 3 tan;
       "One place, Haruda, 2 1/2 tan;
       "One place, Nishi Muda, 3 tan;
       "One place, Mugita, 3 tan;
       "One place, Yanagita, 8 1/2 tan, of which 2 tan 300 bu,eastern side.
"4 homesteads:-
   "In Yukitake myo:
       "One house, So ken-gyo11 nyu-do;12
       "One house, Rokuro.12
   "In Nagabuchi sho:
       "One house, Iya-to-zo,12 Yonemitsu13 myo;
       "One house, own myo.14
"Hata:-1 cho 8 tan;
   "In Wakakuni myo:
       "One place, Nakashima, 4 tan;
       "One place, Yakata-ga-ura, 2 tan;
   "In Nagabuchi sho:
       "One place, Minamida,15 7 tan 1 jo, of the original 8 tan, western side; Kin-
           maru;15
       "One place, 4 tan 4 jo, of the original 1 cho, eastern side; originally shimo-
           gawara.15
"This assignment is made by lot. It is hereby ordered that the customary Buddhist
and Shinto services and the domanial lords'16 annual dues [be rendered] in accordance
with the precedents and without negligence.
   "Sho-o 1 y. 10 m. 3 d. [29 October 1288].           Shami,17 (monogram).
                                                                                                 Shami,17 (monogram)."



[IMAGE]　　[JP-#228]


#45-B
                                                                                       B
     "Assignment of the ji-to shiki of Nanakuma18 go, Sawara kori, Chikuzen kuni,
     the reward6 for meritorious services rendered in the Mongol war, in Ko-an 4th
     year.
"One man, Takemitsu19 Saburo Morokane, of Satsuma kuni.
   "Ta and other lands, 3 cho:-
       "In the present go:
P173
       "One place, Shimo Hakamo, 72/3 tan, of which 6 tan, eastern side;
       "One place, Hashidzume, 81/2 tan;
       "One place, 1 cho;
       "One place, 81/3 tan, of which 51/2 tan, western side.
"2 homesteads:-
   "In Kami Otowo-Maru myo, Hii go: one house, Ren-Zho bo.20
   "In Inoue myo, Minaki sho: one house, Iya-hei-zo.20
"Hata, 6 tan:-
   "In Nanakuma go:
       "One place, Takekiyo, 3 tan 2 jo.
   "In Nagabuji sho:
       "One place, Seto-guchi,21 1 tan: Yasuyo.22
       "One place, Kamiza-machi,21 1 tan 3 jo, of the original 3 tan 4 jo, south side:
           Tomitake.22
"This assignment is made by lot. It is hereby ordered that the customary Buddhist
and Shinto services and the domanial lords'16 annual dues [be rendered] in accordance
with the precedents and without negligence.
   "Sho-o 1 y. 10 m. 3 d. [29 October 1288].           Shami,17 (monogram).
                                                                                                 Shami,17 (monogram)."




   1See No. 25.
   2Between 1277 and 1306, Hishizhima mon-zho, I, III, and IV.
   3Between 1275 and 1301, ibid., I-IV, and SK, VII and VIII.
   4Ei-nin 7 y. 10 m. 4 d., in SK, VII. Cf. our Introduction, p. 23.
   5A local legend says that when Arishige, on his expedition to Hakata in 1281, went as far as
Naka-no-hara in Iriki, he shot two arrows eastward, and left word that, to repose his spirit after
death, a Buddhist church and a Shinto temple should be erected at the spots where the arrows fell.
Zhi-kwo zhi was accordingly built at the first point, and at the second the ghosts of Arishige and
Muneshige were deified as Wakamiya myo-zhin. They were both in Ura-no-myo mura, in Kiyo-
shiki. San-goku mei-sho dzu-ye,ⅩⅡ, 5 and 9.
   6Sho, literally, prize.
   7These grandchildren do not appear in the Iriki-in genealogy.
   8Arishige's elder brother.
   9Sono, upland fields where mulberry trees (for the silk culture), fruit trees, or vegetables were
planted. The word was often used interchangeably with hata.
   10The first of the two characters here is written wrong and not legible.
   11Ken-gyo meant, at one time at least, an executive agent; the adjective so indicated that the
bearer of the title was chief among several ken-gyo.
   12These three names stand for persons.     13The character yone may be an error for sue.
   14This expression seems to mean that the myo bore the same name as the sho itself. Cf. No. 7,  
n.1.
   15It would appear that Kin-maru and Shimo-gawara were myo, and Minamida, an azana.
   16Hon-ke.
   17Probably Hojo Nobutoki, the Co-signer, and Hojo Sadatoki, the Regent.
   18Nanakuma go, like Hii go,saw its ji-to shiki divided among several persons.
   19The Takemitsu was a branch of the Tomo family, and prospered mostly in Taki kori. See No.
47. Later many a Takemitsu became a vassal of Iriki-in lords, and hence his documents came in
possession of the latter's family.
   20Personal names.                                                   21These may be aza-na.
   22These may be myo names.